Christian Misogyny: Female Sexuality in the Primary Historical Sources for Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe

Christian Misogyny: Female Sexuality in the Primary Historical Sources for Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe

“Religion poisons everything”.   ~Christopher Hitchens

 

 

Introduction

To examine and understand the extent to which sexuality appeared in the primary historical sources for witchcraft, witch hunts, trials and persecutions in Europe between 1400 and 1700, one must not only investigate those sources and unpack the religious dogmas and superstitions surrounding witches in early modern Europe, but also examine the biblical origins of such beliefs, as well as the social and psychological factors associated with this particular religious pathology.  If such an examination is undertaken, it will become evident that there existed an unbroken ideological chain that reached back to the Judeo origins of Christian societies and that the pathology at the heart of these female-focussed witch hunts was the result of the unnatural sexual repression and religious superstitions surrounding female sexuality.

It is a matter of little debate that women were the primary targets of witch hunts, constituting around 80% of victims accused, tried and executed as witches during the epidemic of superstition that gripped Europe between the centuries in question.[1] There is also virtually no question that female sexuality was perceived as being one of the greatest threats to a man’s purity in medieval and early modern Europe.[2]  Women were seen as intellectually and morally inferior to men [3] – they were, as was Eve in the Garden of Eden, significantly more prone to the temptations deviously offered by the Devil, and for this reason they were viewed as the “profane sex” – the sex whose lust for sex and immorality was far more insatiable and unquenchable than a man’s.[4]  Naturally, then, witches were believed to be women that had entered into a covenant with the Devil, who, in exchange for sex, granted them supernatural powers for the purposes of doing harm and wreaking diabolical havoc.[5]

This essay will examine the extent to which female sexuality appeared in the primary sources for witchcraft during the early modern period in Europe, focussing largely on the most influential primary source, the Malleus Maleficarum. Further, the antecedence of the superstitious concepts surrounding female sexuality in Europe will be discussed in order to demonstrate that just as history is an unbroken chain of moments and events, so too is the superstitious and religious ignorance that has been the soil in which misogyny and gender inequality have been sown and grown. Finally, a sociological explanation prefaced by two psychological theories will be advanced in order to evaluate some of the possible causes of the religious pathology at the heart of the persecution of women accused of witchcraft.

 

Malleus Maleficarum (“Hammer of Witches”)

The Malleus Maleficarum is a treatise on the prosecution of witches published in 1486 by two Dominican clergymen, Heinrich Kramer and Jacob Sprenger [6] – although scholars debate whether Sprenger was simply associated with the publication to lend it more authority.[7]  By 1505 there were already eight editions published and by 1520 a total of thirteen editions were circulating throughout the libraries and judicial reference collections across the continent of Europe.[8] It was second only to the Bible in popularity for the proceeding 200 years,[9] and it set the authoritative standard for beliefs concerning the identity and practice of witches, as well as establishing the procedural guidelines for prosecuting and punishing those believed to be witches.[10] Ben-Yahuda argues:

 

‘It was to become the most influential and widely used handbook on witchcraft…Its enormous influence was practically guaranteed, owing not only to its authoritative appearance but also to its extremely wide distribution. It was one of the first books to be printed on the recently invented printing press and appeared in no fewer than 20 editions. … The moral backing had been provided for a horrible, endless march of suffering, torture, and human disgrace inflicted on thousands of women’.[11]

 

Prior to its publication there was no uniform concept of witches and witchcraft, but the Canon Episcopi held that witchcraft was little more than a vain and largely impotent heresy.[12]  The Malleus directly challenged this belief by successfully propagating the notion that there was a diabolical conspiracy to undermine God’s order, and that this conspiracy was being carried out predominantly by females at the behest of Satan.[13] The inherent misogyny of this infamous treatise is not only observable throughout its profane contents, but also within the title itself. The use of the Latin malefica (female sorcerer/evil doer)[14] in the title – the masculine form being maleficus (male sorcerer)[15] – indicates the gender of the victims targeted by this misogynistic manifesto.  Its contents reveal quite a lot about the common beliefs surrounding women in early modern Europe. The Malleus is structured in a question-and-answer format, and in answer to the question: ‘Concerning Witches who copulate with Devils. Why is it that Women are chiefly addicted to Evil superstitions,’ the author draws upon the pre-existing misogyny from the Old and New Testaments, early and medieval Christian authorities, as well as that of Roman philosophers such as Seneca and Cicero.[16] Concerning this question, Kramer writes:

 

‘Other again have propounded other reasons why there are more superstitious women found than men. And the first is, that they are more credulous; and since the chief aim of the devil is to corrupt faith, therefore he rather attacks them…But because in these times this perfidy is more often found in women than in men, as we learn by actual experience, if anyone is curious as to the reason, we may add to what has already been said the following: that since they are feebler both in mind and body, it is not surprising that they should come more under the spell of witchcraft. For as regards intellect, or the understanding of spiritual things, they seem to be of a different nature from men; a fact which is vouched for by the logic of the authorities, backed by various examples from the Scriptures. Terence says: Women are intellectually like children’.[17]

 

As mentioned, the central belief in the Malleus concerning witches was that they acquired their supernatural powers by entering into a covenant with the Devil, with whom they had sexual intercourse.  This idea played upon the erroneous yet popular belief of the time regarding female sexuality – namely – that women were more carnal and lustful than men.[18]  On this issue, Kramer remarks:

‘But the natural reason is that she is more carnal than a man, as is clear from her many carnal abominations. And it should be noted that there was a defect in the formation of the first woman, since she was formed from a bent rib, that is, a rib of the breast, which is bent as it were in a contrary direction to a man. And since through this defect she is an imperfect animal, she always deceives’.[19]

 

Witches and Female Sexuality in Early Modern Europe

This belief is echoed throughout the primary historical sources on witches during the early modern period in Europe. An example of this erroneous belief concerning female sexuality is found within the works of the late sixteenth century judge of Bordeaux, Pierre de Lancre, who, following Kramer’s lead, held that Eve was reliable evidence for the moral inferiority of women. Lancre wrote: ‘…among women, an infinite number are too licentious…so that points of honour, nor honourable laws cannot cut the roots of mad desire, nor limit their sensual appetites’.[20] Another example can be found within the sixteenth century treatise on witches entitled, Compendium Maleficarum, written by the Italian priest Francesco Maria Guazzo. In this treatise, Guazzo, drawing upon the works of early Church fathers, writes: ‘S. Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and others have clearly proved that devils can fornicate with women…The same belief is championed in the Bull of Pope Innocent VIII against witches’.[21]  The Bull referenced by Guazzo was the one in which Pope Innocent VIII endorsed the Malleus Maleficarum,[22] thus providing substantial reason to believe that Guazzo was influenced by Kramer’s earlier treatise on witches.  The belief that female witches had intercourse with the Devil was also attested to in the following deranged and paedophilic account given by the late seventeenth-century chancellor to the Prince-Bishop of Wurzburg, Germany. In a letter, the chancellor wrote: ‘there are children of three and four years, to the number of three hundred, who are said to have had intercourse with the Devil. I have seen put to death children of seven, promising students of ten, twelve, fourteen, and fifteen’.[23]

Further primary sources, such as the anonymously authored Errores Gazariorum (‘Errors of the Cathars’), published in the fifteenth century described the wild and even incestuous orgies that were alleged to have occurred at the witches sabbaths.[24] Whilst the accounts of withes sabbaths also describe male sexuality, the bulk of primary sources for witchcraft – being a predominantly female dominated phenomenon – focussed on female sexuality as the source and major theme associated with witches.

The sexualisation of women in patriarchal early modern Europe probably contributed significantly to the prevalence of female sexuality within the primary sources for witchcraft in early modern Europe. Broedel makes this point by discussing Kramer and Sprenger’s depiction of witches as the ‘embodiments of sinful female sexuality’. Broedel argues that Kramer and Sprenger’s assertion in this regard allowed them to control female sexuality to prevent, at least in their own minds, the undermining of God’s divine order, which, again in their own minds, was believed could bring God’s wrath down upon the whole society.[25]  Further, with regards to the controlling of women via sexualisation, Hester writes:

‘As I have pointed out elsewhere, societies that are male dominated rely on constructions of ‘the female’ which present women as both different and inferior to men; and sexualisation, or eroticization, of ‘the female’ in a variety of ways over time, is particularly important in constructing, and thereby maintaining, this difference’.[26]

Although there are convincing sociological explanations for why witches were becoming the archetypal symbol for the uncontrolled, hypersexual female, it is also possible that there were certain psychological factors involved in causing the pathological sexual delusions surrounding the “immoral” sexuality of female witches.

 

The Madonna-Whore Complex

One possible psychological explanation for the dichotomous depiction of women which relegated the witch to whoredom, may be one put forward by Sigmund Freud, and it is known as the ‘Madonna-Whore Complex’.[27] It is argued to manifest in men who, as a result of psychological and sexual dysfunction, view women as either saintly Madonnas or “evil whores”.[28] Harmann described this kind of sexual dysfunction as being the result of dissociation, in which ‘sexual arousal is only possible with a sexual partner who has in some way been degraded (the whore) while the adequate and respected partner cannot be fully desired (the Madonna)’.[29] Thus, it is possible that the severe sexual repression inspired by the rampant and sexually repressive nature of the Christian religion in early modern Europe caused dissociation in men, which could have led to the psychological and sexual dysfunction necessary to produce the hypersexual and depraved delusions surrounding female witches. Psychologist Christopher Ryan says: ‘Nothing inspires murderous mayhem in human beings more reliably than sexual repression… if expression of sexuality is thwarted, the human psyche tends to grow twisted into grotesque, enraged perversions of desire’.[30] This certainly appeared to have been the case in early modern Europe. Further, the ‘Madonna-Whore’ dichotomy appears to be quite prevalent within the primary sources for witches in the early modern period in Europe.  In the Malleus, Kramer writes:

 

‘And all this is made clear also in the New Testament concerning women and virgins and

other holy women who have by faith led nations and kingdoms away from the worship of idols to the Christian religion…Wherefore in many vituperations that we read against women, the word woman is used to mean the lust of the flesh. As it is said: I have found a woman more bitter than death, and good woman subject to carnal lust’.[31]

 

This dichotomous complex isn’t original to Christianity, for it can be found in the depictions of Ishtar in ancient Mesopotamia, Isis in ancient Egypt, and the mythical systems that existed throughout the ancient Near East and Mediterranean.[32] Yet, concerning the ‘Madonna-Whore Complex’ in early modern European society, Christianity was almost certainly its inspirational well.  The widespread belief that witches were “whores” was probably the result of the strong Christian influence in early modern Europe. The New Testament is infused with the misogyny of a more ignorant era.  Rogers argues: ‘The foundations of early Christian misogyny — its guilt about sex, its insistence on female subjection, its dread of female seduction — are all in St. Paul’s epistles’.[33] This irrational misogyny was further entrenched within Christian thought by early Church fathers like Tertullian, who described women as ‘gateways to the devil’.[34]  The second century Church father Irenaeus also revealed early Christianity’s ‘Madonna-Whore Complex’ in his discussion on the Virgin Mary and Eve, writing: ‘As Eve was seduced by the word of an angel and so fled from God after disobeying his word, Mary in her turn was given the good news by the word of an angel, and bore God in obedience to his word. As Eve was seduced into disobedience to God, so Mary was persuaded into obedience to God…’[35]

 

 

Psychological Projection: A Woman’s Unquenchable Lust?

 Modern science has demonstrated quite unequivocally that men have a stronger sex drive than women.[36] Translated into the religious language of early modern Europe, men are more lustful and “sinful” in this way than women. The erroneous belief propagated in the Malleus and subsequent historical sources about women, which became a meme heavily associated with witches, i.e., that women were creatures of insatiable lust, may have been, at least in part, the result of what psychologists refer to as ‘projection’.  Projection is a defence mechanism that causes individuals to project their own undesirable characteristics or qualities onto others.[37] For example, if a person is rude, that person may project this quality onto another and see the object of their projection as rude, thereby shielding and protecting their own ego and self-image.[38] Jung argued that projection generally occurs when unacceptable characteristics of the self, which he described as the ‘shadow self’, arise in the conscious mind of the individual.[39]  During this chronically religious period in Europe, sexual desire and lust were seen as terrible sins. One can imagine the clergy often repeating the alleged words of Jesus: ‘But I tell you that anyone who looks at a woman lustfully has already committed adultery with her in his heart’.[40] The resulting pressure could have caused some men to project their own “sinful” desires onto the objects of their “evil thoughts”, which may account for the construction of the belief enunciated in the Malleus: ‘All witchcraft comes from carnal lust, which is in women insatiable’.[41]

 

Fear the Maiden: One Possible Sociological Explanation

A social factor that may have worked together with the sexual repression and the projected hyper-sexuality of women might have been the significant number of unmarried women in early modern Europe.  Demographers estimate that between 10 to 15 percent of the north-western European population never married in the early modern period.[42] Wiesner comments: ‘Cities attracted unmarried women with the possibility of employment as domestic servants or in cloth production, a situation reflected in the gradual transformation of the word “spinster” during the seventeenth century…’[43]

It may not be a coincidence, then, that many of the women accused of witchcraft were single women who were often expressly referred to in the primary sources as having been “spinsters.”[44] Ben-Yahuda advances this sociological argument by pointing out that these unmarried women did not live beneath the oppressive yoke of male fathers and husbands, but instead possessed a relative degree of autonomy at a time in which this would have been not merely abnormal, but potentially “immoral” – for marriage was viewed as the ‘proper’ destination for women in early modern Europe.[45]  In his summation of the Malleus Maleficarum, Nyland remarks: ‘Open hunting season was declared on women, especially herb gatherers, midwives, widows and spinsters. Women who had no man to supervise them were of course highly suspicious’.[46] As Ben-Yahuda observed, these single women would have not only received the scorn of males projecting their own sexual dysfunctions onto these “highly suspicious” and “licentious creatures”, but also from the wives of married men, to whom these independent, “bad women” would have no doubt been perceived as a threat to their husbands and sons.[47] Ben-Yahuda concludes this point by saying: ‘Therefore, the female witch, using sex for corrupting the world on behalf of Satan, was a “suasive image” of great power, in an ideology the aim of which was to cleanse the world from all the effects of social change and anomie and to restore the moral boundaries of medieval society’.[48]

 

Conclusion

The publication of the Malleus Maleficarum in the late fifteenth century changed the discourse on witches, and in so changing, it brought the perceived threat of female sexuality to the forefront in the minds of early modern Europeans.  Witchcraft was no longer a vain and relatively impotent heresy, but a real and immediate threat to the well-being of the society. This shift in perception was accompanied by long-held and well-established beliefs concerning the nature of women. Women were, according to Christians of the time, less intelligent, moral, and more prone to sexually “immoral” cravings and behaviour.  They were the perfect target for the Devil, whom the early modern Europeans believed was out to disrupt and ultimately destroy God’s order. Female sexuality, then, became seen as the vehicle by which demonic forces could infect the righteous and more noble and intelligent sex, men.  Of course, there existed a concern for the protection of the spiritual purity of “good women” too, particularly given the prevalence of unmarried women lurking across the continent, but only in so far as those “good women” might then be easily led astray and in Eve-like fashion, lead their Adams into sin and temptation.  The Bible provided the narrative on both female sexuality and many of the core motifs found within the primary historical sources for witchcraft. It was the population’s insane religious zeal which brought that misogynistic narrative to life at the expense of thousands of innocent women, who, through no fault of their own, were grossly objectified and relentlessly persecuted in some of the most heinous and monstrous ways.

Owing thanks largely to the Malleus, female sexuality became the twisted and distorted obsession of early modern European men. It may be cautiously assumed that these men had become so psychologically deranged, so pathologically affected due to their unbridled religious convictions, that they projected their own guilty and sexually repressed desires and dysfunctions onto their disenfranchised female counterparts, who were generally viewed through the dichotomy of the ‘Madonna-Whore Complex’.  The extent to which female sexuality appears in the primary historical sources for witchcraft reflects the extent to which it became an issue for early modern Europeans, who, following the publication and popularization of the Malleus, viewed witchcraft as an immediate threat to the survival of society.

 

End Notes:

  1. Anne Llewellyn Barstow, Witchcraze: A New History of the European Witch Hunts, London: Harper-Collins Publishers, 1995, p. 23.
  2. Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, pp. 6-7.
  3. Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Rev. Montague Summers,  1928, p, 101, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/downloads/MalleusAcrobat.pdf, accessed on 5th May, 2016.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Marijke Gijswijt-Hoftstra, Brian P. Levack and Roy Porter, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, London: The Athlone Press, 1999, p. 163; Richard Kieckhefer, The First Wave of Trials for Diabolical Witchcraft, cited in: Brian P. Levack (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe and Colonial America, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 169.
  6. Brian A. Pavlac, Witch Hunts in the Western World: Persecution and Punishment from the Inquisition through the Salem Trials, London: Greenwood Press, 2009, p. 56.
  7. Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, p. 18.
  8. Ibid. p. 7.
  9. Jack Fritscher, Popular Witchcraft: Straight from the Witch’s Mouth, Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2004, p. 37.
  10. Rosemary Ellen Guiley, The Encyclopedia of Witches, Witchcraft and Wicca, 3rd , New York: Facts on File, Inc., 2008, p. 379.
  11. Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The European Witch Craze of the 14th to 17th Centuries: A Sociologist’s Perspective, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 86, No. 1 (Jul., 1980), Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 11.
  12. Rosemary Ellen Guiley, The Encyclopedia of Witches, Witchcraft and Wicca, 3rd , New York: Facts on File, Inc., 2008, p. 50; Canon Episcopi, cited at: http://www.personal.utulsa.edu/~marc-carlson/witch/canon.html, accessed on 2nd April, 2016.
  13. Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, pp. 22-23.
  14. Sigrid Brauner, Fearless Wives and Frightened Shrews: The Construction of the Witch in Early Modern Germany, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995, p. 33.
  15. Ibid.
  16. Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Rev. Montague Summers,  1928, pp. 99-102, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/downloads/MalleusAcrobat.pdf, accessed on 5th May, 2016.
  17. Ibid. p. 101.
  18. Marianne Hester, Patriarchal Reconstruction, cited in: Johnathan Barry (ed.), Marianne Hester (ed.) and Gareth Roberts (ed.), Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe: Studies in Culture and Belief, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 294.
  19. Ibid. p. 102.
  20. Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais anges et demons (1612), cited in: Jonathan L. Pearl, The Crime of Crimes: Demonology and Politics in France, 1560-1620, Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1999, p. 131.
  21. Francesco Maria Guazzo, Compendium Maleficarum, The Montague Summers Edition, trans. E.A. Ashwin, New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1988, Book 1: Chapter 10, p. 30.
  22. Pope Innocent VIII, The Bull of Pope Innocent VIII, 9th December, 1484, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/table-of-contents/the-bull-of-innocent-viii/, accessed on 9th May, 2016.
  23. Chancellor to the Prince-Bishop of Wurzburg, Germany, (1629), Letter Concerning Outbreak of Witchcraft in Wurzburg, cited in: Thomas F.X. Noble (ed.), Barry Straus (ed.), Duane J. Osheim (ed.), Kristen B. Neuschel (ed.), Elinor A. Accampo (ed.), David D. Roberts (ed.), William B. Cohen (ed.), Western Civilization: Beyond Boundaries, Vol. 2: Since 1560, Sixth Ed., Boston: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2011, p. 434.
  24. Anonymous, Errores Gazariorum, cited in: William E. Burns, Witch Hunts in Europe and America: An Encyclopedia, London: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1959, p. 77; Richard Kieckhefer, The First Wave of Trials for Diabolical Witchcraft, cited in: Brian P. Levack (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe and Colonial America, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 162.
  25. Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, p. 179.
  26. Marianne Hester, Patriarchal Reconstruction, cited in: Johnathan Barry (ed.), Marianne Hester (ed.) and Gareth Roberts (ed.), Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe: Studies in Culture and Belief, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 293.
  27. Uwe Harmann, Sigmund Freud and His Impact on Our Understanding of Male Sexual Dysfunction, ‘Journal of Sexual Medicine’, 2009; p. 2332, cited at: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19493285, accessed on 10th May, 2016.
  28. Ibid. p. 2335.
  29. Ibid.
  30. Christopher Ryan, Sexual Repression: The Malady that Considers Itself the Remedy, cited at: https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/sex-dawn/201004/sexual-repression-the-malady-considers-itself-the-remedy, accessed on 10th May, 2016.
  31. Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Rev. Montague Summers, 1928, p. 101, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/downloads/MalleusAcrobat.pdf, accessed on 5th May, 2016.
  32. Lucia Chiavola Birnbaum, She Is Everywhere: An Anthology of Writing in Womanist/Feminist Spirituality, New York: iUniverse, Inc., 2005, p. 33.
  33. Katherine M. Rogers, The Troublesome Helpmate: A History of Misogyny in Literature, Washington D.C: University of Washington Press, 1966, p. 11.
  34. Tertullian, Book I, cited at: http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0402.htm, accessed on 10th May, 2016.
  35. Irenaeus, Against the Heresies, Book 5, Chapter 19, cited in: Philip Schaff, Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 1: The Apostolic Fathers with Justin Martyr and Irenaeus, Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library, 1885, 919.
  36. Roy F. Baumeister, Kathleen R. Catanese and Kathleen D. Vohs, Is There a Gender Difference in Strength of Sex Drive? Theoretical Views, Conceptual Distinctions, and a Review of Relevant Evidence, ‘Personality and Social Psychology Review’, August 2001, Vol. 5, 242-273, Sage Publications, cited at: http://psr.sagepub.com/content/5/3/242.abstract, accessed on 10th May, 2016.
  37. Michael W. Eysenck, Psychology: An International Perspective, New York: Psychology Press, 2004, p. 809.
  38. Ibid.
  39. Carl G. Jung, Man and His Symbols, London: Picador, 1978, pp. 181-182.
  40. The Bible, Matthew 5:28, New International Version.
  41. Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Rev. Montague Summers,  1928, p. 114, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/downloads/MalleusAcrobat.pdf, accessed on 5th May, 2016.
  42. Merry E. Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, 2nd Ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. 76.
  43. Ibid.
  44. 21; Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, p. 141; Edo Nyland, Summation of the Malleus Maleficarum, cited in: Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Rev. Montague Summers,  1928, p. 726; Verena Theile (ed.), Andrew D. McCarthy (ed.), Staging the Superstitions of Early Modern Europe, London: Routledge, 2016,  p. 149.
  45. Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The European Witch Craze of the 14th to 17th Centuries: A Sociologist’s Perspective, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 86, No. 1 (Jul., 1980), Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 21.
  46. Edo Nyland, Summation of the Malleus Maleficarum, cited in: Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Rev. Montague Summers,  1928, p. 726, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/downloads/MalleusAcrobat.pdf, accessed on 5th May, 2016.
  47. Ibid. p. 22.
  48. Ibid.

 

 

 

 

 Bibliography

 

Primary Sources

 

Anonymous, Errores Gazariorum, cited in: Burns, William E., Witch Hunts in Europe and America: An Encyclopedia, London: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1959.

 

Heinrich Kramer, Heinrich and Sprenger, James, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Rev. Montague Summers,  1928, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/downloads/MalleusAcrobat.pdf, accessed on 5th May, 2016.

 

Guazzo, Francesco Maria, Compendium Maleficarum, The Montague Summers Edition, trans. E.A. Ashwin, New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1988.

 

Pope Innocent VIII, The Bull of Pope Innocent VIII, 9th December, 1484, cited at: http://www.malleusmaleficarum.org/table-of-contents/the-bull-of-innocent-viii/, accessed on 9th May, 2016.

 

Chancellor to the Prince-Bishop of Wurzburg, Germany, (1629), Letter Concerning Outbreak of Witchcraft in Wurzburg, cited in: Noble, Thomas F.X. (ed.), Straus, Barry (ed.), Osheim, Duane J. (ed.), Neuschel, Kristen B. (ed.), Accampo, Elinor A. (ed.), Roberts, David D. (ed.), Cohen, William B. (ed.), Western Civilization: Beyond Boundaries, Vol. 2: Since 1560, Sixth Ed., Boston: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2011.

 

 

 

Religious Sources

 

Irenaeus, Against the Heresies, Book 5, Chapter 19, cited in: Schaff, Philip, Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 1: The Apostolic Fathers with Justin Martyr and Irenaeus, Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library, 1885.

 

Tertullian, Book I, cited at: http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0402.htm, accessed on 10th May, 2016.

 

The Bible, Matthew 5:28, New International Version.

 

 

Secondary Sources

 

Barstow, Anne Llwellyn, Witchcraze: A New History of the European Witch Hunts, London: Harper-Collins Publishers, 1995.

 

Baumeister, Roy F., Catanese Kathleen R. and Vohs, Kathleen D., Is There a Gender Difference in Strength of Sex Drive? Theoretical Views, Conceptual Distinctions, and a Review of Relevant Evidence, ‘Personality and Social Psychology Review’, August 2001, Vol. 5, 242-273, Sage Publications, cited at: http://psr.sagepub.com/content/5/3/242.abstract, accessed on 10th May, 2016.

 

 

Ben-Yahuda, Nachman, The European Witch Craze of the 14th to 17th Centuries: A Sociologist’s Perspective, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 86, No. 1 (Jul., 1980), Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

 

Birnbaum, Lucia Chiavola, She Is Everywhere: An Anthology of Writing in Womanist/Feminist Spirituality, New York: iUniverse, Inc., 2005.

 

Brauner, Sigrid, Fearless Wives and Frightened Shrews: The Construction of the Witch in Early Modern Germany, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995.

 

Broedel, Hans Peter, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003.

 

de Lancre, Pierre Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais anges et demons (1612), cited in: Jonathan L. Pearl, The Crime of Crimes: Demonology and Politics in France, 1560-1620, Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1999.

 

Eysenck, Michael W., Psychology: An International Perspective, New York: Psychology Press, 2004.

 

Fritscher, Jack, Popular Witchcraft: Straight from the Witch’s Mouth, Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2004.

 

Gijswijt-Hoftstra, Marjike, Levack, Brian P. and Porter, Roy Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, London: The Athlone Press, 1999.

 

Guiley, Rosemary Ellen, The Encyclopedia of Witches, Witchcraft and Wicca, 3rd Ed., New York: Facts on File, Inc., 2008.

 

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Hester, Marianne, Patriarchal Reconstruction, cited in: Barry, Johnathan (ed.), Hester, Marianne (ed.) and Roberts, Gareth, (ed.), Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe: Studies in Culture and Belief, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

 

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